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Introduction to the Special Issue: The View from Housing - The Contributions of Housing Research to Social and Behavioural Theory

Although academic definitions of ‘corporatism’ differ, the concept is generally about organisational influence on state politics. Around 1980, Sweden was regarded as the archetype of welfare-state corporatism, but around the turn of the millennium the broad representation of organised interests in state politics was largely abolished. However, in the housing sector, strong interest organisations have continued to play a dominant and institutionalised role. Rents are negotiated collectively between organisations of estate owners and tenants, and these organisations also have strong influence on rental legislation and on housing policy more generally. We argue that this system should be seen as corporatist and to that end suggest a somewhat modified version of Philippe Schmitter’s well-established definition of corporatism. We claim that our ‘view from housing’ may contribute to the increased relevance of corporatism theory also in studies of other welfare sectors where market distribution is increasingly important.

This article aims to theorise the housing governance of vulnerable debtor populations from a relational perspective, developing the affective attachment concept. While the emotionality of housing has been studied in housing research, the relational understanding of affects/emotions offers a fruitful perspective for understanding the interface of power (re)production between subjects and structures. The argument is supported by a literature review and excerpts from a qualitative analysis of 30 interviews with overindebted people and 20 institutional actors which demonstrate the relevance of emotions in attachment to the precarious housing market. Linking the relevance of affective attachment with moral discourses, the article shows the potential to better understand how the (self)control and (self)discipline–(self)governance–of vulnerable people could be performed by morally modulated affects and emotions.

One of the most researched and proven behavioural biases is the endowment effect, which manifests in people''s higher valuation of goods they own relative to goods they do not. Loss aversion is considered the main cause of the endowment effect because of the assumption that losses loom larger than gains. Whether decisions are framed as either gains or losses depends on the adopted reference point, which is usually taken as current ownership. Mainstream behavioural economics also postulates that the decision-making process involves multiple reference points. This study aims to provide new arguments in favour of the existence of multiple reference points affecting the formation of the endowment effect based on theoretical reflections and empirical evidence from the housing market. A critical review of the literature, as well as an empirical study, revealed that there are multiple reference points in the housing market, the interaction between which leads to the endowment effect.

This study examines the impact of Ukrainian war refugees on actual rental prices in 27 European countries. Using panel data regression analysis for the period 2017Q1-2023Q1, the study found that inflation, house price growth, and interest rates were the primary drivers of rental price growth after February 2022. The study also showed that an inflow of Ukrainian refugees equal to 1% of the host country’s population translated into an increase in rental price growth of 0.2-0.3%, but this effect was not statistically significant at the 5% probability threshold. Auxiliary estimations revealed the statistical significance of Ukrainian migration when adjusting for the stringency of rent controls and size of the rental market.

We examine the effects of the war between Russia and Ukraine on the housing market in the six largest cities in Poland and explain how these effects emerged. Since Poland’s transition to a market economy and its accession to the EU, Poland has experienced normal cycles in house prices, i.e. relatively long periods of increases in house prices followed by similarly long periods of decreases in house prices. However, the combination of the COVID-19 pandemic and the war between Russia and Ukraine created a situation that can be described as a multi-cycle. The pandemic initially halted nearly all transactions on the market, but after a few quarters of fiscal and monetary intervention aimed at saving the economy we observed a housing boom. Just a few quarters later, the Russian aggression in Ukraine caused significant inflation, which required a sharp increase in interest rates, and once again demand slowed down. This was followed just a few quarters later by a resurgence in house purchases in order to escape inflation, with many people using cash for these purchases. This situation has shaken the housing market, while the war has also generated a demographic shock. Construction and transportation workers began returning to Ukraine to help in its reconstruction, while women with children came to Poland from Ukraine seeking safety and creating a demand for rental housing.

Introduction to the special issue "Social Movements against Housing Financialization".

Tenant movements are increasingly impacting urban governance and the development of housing in Canadian cities. Tenants resisting violent and ‘gentler’ forms of gentrification—through outright expulsion or being priced out of their communities—have demonstrated their unwillingness to allow financialized real estate to determine their housing futures. At the same time, tenants also have to contend with discourses of urban improvement that increasingly dominate the terrain of financialized rental housing (re)development. Community benefits agreements and other similar arrangements emphasizing neighbourhood liveability and wellbeing are increasingly deployed as devices to justify housing (re)development, but also work to facilitate gentrification. Through an examination of a struggle between tenants and a financialized real estate investment firm in Canada’s capital city Ottawa—which aspires to be North America’s most liveable mid-sized city—this article explores the implications of a Community Wellbeing Framework for a neighbourhood redevelopment project forged through tenant resistance efforts.

The world’s most unequal country suffers from various housing crises, especially when it comes to excessive reliance upon a private sector prone to market failures, especially affordability. State housing finance strategy during the transition from apartheid to democracy relied upon augmentation of formal banking finance so as to promote home ownership. But as macro-economic conditions changed in the late 1980s, the resulting mass defaults on individual families’ home mortgage bonds led not only to foreclosures by a (white) state, but (black) working-class resistance organised by the country’s leading urban social movement, known as the ‘bond boycott.’ Even after democracy, a worsening housing backlog coincided with resurgence of household debt crises in the wake of the 2008 global financial meltdown. That generated a new housing finance strategy led by Mastercard and a local fintech firm (supported by the World Bank): collateralisation of welfare grants which in turn allowed debit orders for repayment of microfinance (typically used for minor home improvements). Again, social resistance played an important role, as the strategy caused even worse personal debt crises, and a welfare NGO’s successful fight to close Mastercard’s partner. But beyond periodic revolts of these sorts, a durable housing finance policy has remained elusive.

Research conducted over the past decade examining the impact of social movements on urban politics and housing policy has significantly enhanced our understanding of how these movements resist housing financialisation through direct action, social protest, and advocacy. However, further investigation is still required to comprehend the influence of housing movements on policy design and implementation, in order to understand the paths taken and how social movements shape housing and urban policies. This paper focuses on the self-management branch of the My House, My Life – Entities (Minha Casa, Minha Vida - Entidades), a mass housing programme in Brazil. The paper has two objectives. Firstly, it identifies the strategies that nationally organised urban and housing movements employ to advocate for the inclusion of housing self-management in federal mass housing programmes. Secondly, it examines the policy implications of implementing a participatory governance model (co-management) in national housing programmes, with an emphasis on policy lessons learned. To accomplish this, policy documents, housing movement reports, and news media items were utilised to systematically trace the trajectory to success and examine the policy lessons for participatory governance. This paper makes two contributions: it enriches the literature on social movements against housing financialisation by analysing citizen participation in housing policy design and implementation and it contributes to the field of research on the consequences of social movements by examining the influence of social movements in shaping and housing policies.

The article looks at the role of knowledge production in conceptualising the impact of social movements, taking the campaign Deutsche Wohnen & Co. Enteignen (Expropriate Deutsche Wohnen & Co.) as an example. The campaign proposes to socialise the assets of all (financialised) landlords who own more than 3,000 apartments in Berlin. The article analyses how the campaign has developed and popularised strategic knowledge about housing financialisation and definancialisation. Empirically, the article analyses two phases of the political work. It discusses the beginnings of the campaign in the run-up to the 2021 referendum, where the campaign translated knowledge about the role of institutional financial investors in Berlin’s housing crisis into a demand for socialisation. The article also analyses the phase after the successful referendum in 2021, where the knowledge production shifted to the juridical field as the Berlin Senate set up an expert commission to discuss the constitutionality of housing socialisation.

During the last decade, following years of austerity and rapid growth driven by tourism, real estate, and external investment, Lisbon has become a paradigmatic case of the financialisation/crisis nexus in the housing field. The simultaneous emergence and growth of social movements for the right to housing has been widely documented, with some accounts focusing on anti-financialisation struggles. In this article, we present the repertoires and claims of four activist groups and platforms born between 2022 and 2023 and discuss how Portuguese social movements are contending with the increasing centrality of financialisation in housing. In sum, we present three broad patterns of rescaling – intersectionality, internationalisation, and relations with political parties – in relation to the general endeavour to build a mass movement.

Disenfranchised urban communities worldwide are increasingly vulnerable to land dispossession and cultural erasure as neoliberal regimes unleash intensified financial speculation within polarizing and splintering local/global class and racialized disparities. A dilemma of disenfranchised communities when confronting speculative intrusions where prospective allies have become marginalized or eliminated is whether, and to what degree, to resist such threats contentiously at the risk of zero-sum defeat versus accommodative negotiations seeking to rescue modest benefits while mitigating dislocations. The forms and intensities of community responses can be conceptualized as embedded within multiscalar state society and local politico-spatial configurations. From that perspective, I address a predominantly Black immigrant district, Miami’s Little Haiti, as it confronts mega-real estate speculation within a metropolitan political economy of corporate real estate hegemony and accelerating racialized expulsions. The contentious versus accommodative dilemma and local/supralocal political landscape fractured and neutralized the Haitian collective responses. I conclude by discussing the case’s theoretical/comparative implications.